2016年1月21日 星期四

furtherance, miscreant, passion/chill out, repress,spare parts collecting dust

Did you know that Oxford University Botanic Gardens is the oldest in England?
In 1621 Henry Danvers donated around £800k in today's money to set up a medical garden for 'the glorification of the works of God and for the furtherance of learning.'

HSBC Chills on Chile HSBC will sell its four branches in Santiago, Chile, valued at about $20 million, to local group Banco Itau Chile, Reuters reports. The move is part of an overall drive to divest in territories where HBSC is not a strategic player.

But comments by other Facebook users about the photo ran the gamut from outrage to indifference to amusement. One commenter urged people to "chill out." And one man posted a photo of his foot in a sock next to a Subway sandwich to show it was shorter than a "foot."(AP)

 Irvine Welsh's prequel to "Trainspotting" shows how his Scottish miscreants first went wrong.

吳冠中先生曾說,要成為藝術家的條件太復雜了,除了要功力,要學術經驗,他還要痛苦,沒有痛苦,不容易培養人。吳冠中先生是痛苦的,他曾說,“苦,永遠纏 繞著我,滲入心田”;季羨林先生是痛苦的,他被負載著沉重道德義務的婚姻困擾了一輩子。錢鍾書先生在寫作《管錐編》時也是痛苦的,當時正值文革後期,被趕 出家門的他棲身在北師大學生宿舍一間陋室裡,錢先生是把《管錐編》當做自己的學術遺囑來寫的。

Romney Beating Obama in a Fight for Wall St. Cash

Campaign finance reports underscore a chill between President Obama and the financial industry.

State-owned trains sit on sagging tracks in Glenville, N.Y., on Thursday.
Nathaniel Brooks for The New York Times

For Sale: 4 Relics of a Doomed Rail Project

A state government attempt to create a high-speed rail line between Manhattan and Albany fell apart, leaving passenger cars rusting and spare parts collecting dust.

Getting rid of workers is famously difficult in Japan. Labour laws were designed for an era that favoured lifetime employment and judges tend to favour all but the most miscreant employees over their corporate bosses.

miscreant Show phonetics

━━ a., n. 極悪非道の(人).
noun [C] FORMAL
someone who behaves badly or does not obey rules:
We need tougher penalties to discourage miscreants.


  • 発音記号[mískriənt]

1 〈人が〉邪悪な, 堕落した.
2 ((古))〈人が〉不信心の;異端の.
1 悪漢.
2 ((古))異端者;不信心者.


chills (複数形) • chilled (過去形) • chilled (過去分詞) • chilling (現在分詞) • chills (三人称単数現在)
put a person on the chill, send a chill down a person's spine, take the chill off, (全4件)
1 (ひやりとする)冷たさ, 肌寒さ;冷気
the chill of morning
2 寒け, 悪寒;(悪寒を伴う)かぜ
catchtake] a chill
寒けがする, かぜをひく
I've been having chills for quite a while.
3 (突然の)ぞっと[がくっと]するような気持ち;不安, 興ざめ, しらけ
She felt a chill of fear.
His words castthrew] a chill overonthe company.
4 ((通例a 〜))冷ややかさ, よそよそしさ
a diplomatic chill between the two countries
There was a chill in her way of speaking.
5 《冶金》チル, 冷やし金.
6 ((米俗))冷たい(缶)ビール.
put a person on the chill/put the chill on a person
send a chill down a person's spine
take the chill off ...
━━[形](〜・er, 〜・est)
1 ((通例限定))冷たい;寒さで震える
the chill morning
2 気をめいらせる;〈態度が〉冷淡な;形式ばった. ▼chillは文語的, 現在は通例chilly.
3 ((俗))〈計画・状況などが〉完全な.
4 ((米俗))すばらしい(cool)
That's chill!
1 冷える;寒さが身にしみる, ぞくぞくする.
2 《冶金》〈鋳物が〉(冷やし金に触れて)表面が硬くなる.
3 ((米俗))おとなしく従う;つかまる.
4 ((米俗))(計画・人に)懐疑的[冷淡]になる;熱意がさめる;冷静になる((out)).
1 ((通例受身))〈人を〉寒がらせる, 寒さでぞっとさせる;((文))恐怖でぞっとさせる;〈食べ物などを〉冷やす, (凍らない程度に)冷却[冷蔵]する
be chilled to the bonethe marrow
be chilled with fear
Serve chilled.
2 ((文))〈意気込みを〉くじく, 抑える;〈興を〉さます.
3 《冶金》〈金属を〉チル化する, 表面を硬くする.
4 ((米俗))〈問題・不満・苦境を〉解決する.
5 ((米俗))〈人を〉殺す;怒らせる;(やくざ社会で)〈人を〉殴って気絶させる.
chill out
[古英語ciele. △COOL, COLD, GELID(極寒の)]
 chill out︰慣用語/動詞片語,放鬆、冷靜。例句︰You need to chill out for a bit.(你需要放鬆一下。)

  1. A powerful emotion, such as love, joy, hatred, or anger.
    1. Ardent love.
    2. Strong sexual desire; lust.
    3. The object of such love or desire.
    1. Boundless enthusiasm: His skills as a player don't quite match his passion for the game.
    2. The object of such enthusiasm: Soccer is her passion.
  2. An abandoned display of emotion, especially of anger: He's been known to fly into a passion without warning.
  3. Passion
    1. The sufferings of Jesus in the period following the Last Supper and including the Crucifixion, as related in the New Testament.
    2. A narrative, musical setting, or pictorial representation of Jesus's sufferings.
  4. Archaic. Martyrdom.
  5. Archaic. Passivity.
[Middle English, from Old French, from Medieval Latin passiō, passiōn-, sufferings of Jesus or a martyr, from Late Latin, physical suffering, martyrdom, sinful desire, from Latin, an undergoing, from passus, past participle of patī, to suffer.]
SYNONYMS passion, fervor, fire, zeal, ardor. These nouns denote powerful, intense emotion. Passion is a deep, overwhelming emotion: "There is not a passion so strongly rooted in the human heart as envy" (Richard Brinsley Sheridan). The term may signify sexual desire or anger: "He flew into a violent passion and abused me mercilessly" (H.G. Wells). Fervor is great warmth and intensity of feeling: "The union of the mathematician with the poet, fervor with measure, passion with correctness, this surely is the ideal" (William James). Fire is burning passion: "In our youth our hearts were touched with fire" (Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr.). Zeal is strong, enthusiastic devotion to a cause, ideal, or goal and tireless diligence in its furtherance: "Laurie [resolved], with a glow of philanthropic zeal, to found and endow an institution for ... women with artistic tendencies" (Louisa May Alcott). Ardor is fiery intensity of feeling: "the furious ardor of my zeal repressed" (Charles Churchill). See also synonyms at feeling.

2011年 08月 17日 14:24
Repressing the Internet, Western-Style

Evgeny Morozov

Did the youthful rioters who roamed the streets of London, Manchester and other British cities expect to see their photos scrutinized by angry Internet users, keen to identify the miscreants? In the immediate aftermath of the riots, many cyber-vigilantes turned to Facebook, Flickr and other social networking sites to study pictures of the violence. Some computer-savvy members even volunteered to automate the process by using software to compare rioters' faces with faces pictured elsewhere on the Internet.

The rioting youths were not exactly Luddites either. They used BlackBerrys to send their messages, avoiding more visible platforms like Facebook and Twitter. It's telling that they looted many stores selling fancy electronics. The path is short, it would seem, from 'digital natives' to 'digital restives.'

Technology has empowered all sides in this skirmish: the rioters, the vigilantes, the government and even the ordinary citizens eager to help. But it has empowered all of them to different degrees. As the British police, armed with the latest facial-recognition technology, go through the footage captured by their numerous closed-circuit TV cameras and study chat transcripts and geolocation data, they are likely to identify many of the culprits.

Authoritarian states are monitoring these developments closely. Chinese state media, for one, blamed the riots on a lack of Chinese-style controls over social media. Such regimes are eager to see what kind of precedents will be set by Western officials as they wrestle with these evolving technologies. They hope for at least partial vindication of their own repressive policies.

Some British politicians quickly called on the BlackBerry maker Research in Motion to suspend its messaging service to avoid an escalation of the riots. On Thursday, Prime Minister David Cameron said that the government should consider blocking access to social media for people who plot violence or disorder.

After the recent massacre in Norway, many European politicians voiced their concern that anonymous anti-immigrant comments on the Web were inciting extremism. They are now debating ways to limit online anonymity.

Does the Internet really need an overhaul of norms, laws and technologies that gives more control to governments? When the Egyptian secret police can purchase Western technology that allows them to eavesdrop on the Skype calls of dissidents, it seems unlikely that American and European intelligence agencies have no means of listening the calls of, say, a loner in Norway.

We tolerate such drastic proposals only because acts of terror briefly deprive us of the ability to think straight. We are also distracted by the universal tendency to imagine technology as a liberating force; it keeps us from noticing that governments already have more power than is healthy.

The domestic challenges posed by the Internet demand a measured, cautious response in the West. Leaders in Beijing, Tehran and elsewhere are awaiting our wrong-headed moves, which would allow them to claim an international license for dealing with their own protests. The yare also looking for tools and strategies that might improve their own digital surveillance.

After violent riots in 2009, Chinese officials had no qualms about cutting off the Xinjiang region's Internet access for 10 months. Still, they would surely welcome a formal excuse for such drastic measures if the West should decide to take similar measures in dealing with disorder. Likewise, any plan in the U.S. or Europe to engage in online behavioral profiling─trying to identify future terrorists based on their tweets, gaming habits or social networking activity─is likely to boost the already booming data-mining industry. It would not take long for such tools to find their way to repressive states.

But something even more important is at stake here. To the rest of the world, the efforts of Western nations, and especially the U.S., to promote democracy abroad have often smacked of hypocrisy. How could the West lecture others while struggling to cope with its own internal social contradictions? Other countries could live with this hypocrisy as long as the West held firm in promoting its ideals abroad. But this double game is harder to maintain in the Internet era.

In their concern to stop not just mob violence but commercial crimes like piracy and file-sharing, Western politicians have proposed new tools for examining Web traffic and changes in the basic architecture of the Internet to simplify surveillance. What they fail to see is that such measures can also affect the fate of dissidents in places like China and Iran. Likewise, how European politicians handle online anonymity will influence the policies of sites like Facebook, which, in turn, will affect the political behavior of those who use social media in the Middle East.

Should America and Europe abandon any pretense of even wanting to promote democracy abroad? Or should they try to figure out how to increase the resilience of their political institutions in the face of the Internet? As much as our leaders might congratulate themselves for embracing the revolutionary potential of these new technologies, they have shown little evidence of being able to think about them in a nuanced and principled way.

(-Mr. Morozov is a visiting scholar at Stanford University and the author of 'The Net Delusion: The Dark Side of Internet Freedom.')

2011年 08月 17日 14:24

Evgeny Morozov

些 遊盪在倫敦、曼徹斯特和其他英國城市的青年暴徒是否預料到自己的照片會遭到憤怒網民的仔細審查?暴亂後不久﹐許多義憤填膺的網民來到Facebook和 Flickr等社交網站研究暴力事件的照片﹐急切地想確認這些惡棍的身份。有些精通電腦的網民甚至自告奮勇將這一過程自動化﹐用軟件對照來自網上不同地方 的暴徒照片。

那些青年暴徒也不完全是反對科技進步的勒德主義者(Luddites)。他們用黑莓(BlackBerry)發消息﹐避免使 用Facebook和Twitter這樣比較顯眼的平台。據說他們搶劫了許多銷售時尚電子產品的商店。從“數字原生代”到“數字暴民”似乎沒有多長的距 離。



部分英國政界人士迅速呼籲黑莓製造商Research in Motion取消其消息服務以防暴亂升級。上週四﹐英國首相卡梅倫(David Cameron)說﹐政府應考慮阻止密謀發起暴力或騷亂活動的人使用社交媒體。





2009 年的暴力騷亂過後﹐中國官員毫不猶豫地切斷了新疆地區的互聯網通訊﹐時間長達10個月。儘管如此﹐如果西方國家在處理混亂局面時決定採取類似措施﹐中國官 員無疑仍會為他們上述激進行動獲得了一個冠冕堂皇的借口而歡喜。同樣﹐美國或歐洲從事“網絡行為側寫”(online behavioral profiling)的任何計劃﹐都有可能推動已經蓬勃發展的數據挖掘行業。要不了多久此類工具就會為壓迫政權所利用。所謂“網絡行為側寫”是指試圖根據 微博、遊戲習慣或社交網絡活動等信息找出未來的恐怖分子。

但一些更為重要的事情正處於危急關頭。對世界其他國家來說﹐以美國為首的西方國 家在國外促進民主的舉措往往讓人覺得虛偽。西方國家在奮力應對其自身的社會矛盾之際﹐他們又如何能向其它國家說教呢?只要西方國家堅持在海外推廣其理念﹐ 其它國家或許還是可以忍受這種虛偽的。但在互聯網時代﹐這種表裡不一的做法難以為繼。

西方政界人士既希望制止暴徒的暴力行為﹐還想遏止盜 版和非法文件共享等商業犯罪行為﹐他們建議採用新工具檢測網絡流量﹐並改變互聯網的基本架構以簡化監控。但他們忽視的是﹐這些舉措也能夠影響到中國和伊朗 等國異見人士的命運。同樣﹐歐洲政界人士處理網絡匿名問題的方式方法也將影響到Facebook等社交網站的政策﹐而這又將影響中東地區使用社交媒體的那 些人的政治行為。


(編者注:本文作者Evgeny Morozov是斯坦福大學的訪問學者﹐也是《網絡的錯覺:互聯網自由的陰暗面》(The Net Delusion: The Dark Side of Internet Freedom)一書的作者。)repress

  • [riprés]
1 〈欲望・感情・行動・涙などを〉抑える, 抑制する
repress anger
2 〈騒動などを〉鎮圧する;〈人々を〉抑圧[制圧]する
repress a minority race
3 〈好ましくないものを〉抑えつける;《精神分析》〈苦痛などを〉抑圧する
repress an evil tendency
[ラテン語repressus (re-後ろへ+premere押す=騷ぎをおさめる). △PRESS1, COMPRESS, REPRIMAND

(rĭ-prĕs') pronunciation

v., -pressed, -press·ing, -press·es. v.tr.
  1. To hold back by an act of volition: couldn't repress a smirk.
  2. To put down by force, usually before total control has been lost; quell: repress a rebellion.
  3. Psychology. To exclude (painful or disturbing memories, for example) automatically or unconsciously from the conscious mind.
  4. Biology. To block (transcription of a gene) by combination of a protein to an operator gene.
To take repressive action.

[Middle English repressen, from Latin reprimere, repress- : re-, re- + premere, to press.]
repressibility re·press'i·bil'i·ty n.
repressible re·press'i·ble adj.

Line breaks: fur¦ther|ance
Pronunciation: /ˈfəːð(ə)r(ə)ns/

Definition of furtherance in English:


The advancement of a scheme or interest:the court held that the union’s acts were not in furtherance of a trade dispute