2014年3月30日 星期日

mass protest/rally, agreeing to a line-by-line review of the deal in the legislature

Mass protest held in Taiwan against China trade deal

Protesters denounce the controversial China Taiwan trade pact during a mass protest in Taipei, 30 MarchThe protesters say the trade deal would leave Taiwan open to Chinese pressure

Related Stories

At least 100,000 people have taken to the streets of Taiwan's capital Taipei, to protest against a controversial trade agreement with China.
They carried signs reading "defend democracy, withdraw the trade deal".
President Ma Ying-jeou insists the deal will bring economic benefits, but campaigners says it will make Taiwan too economically dependent on China.
The protesters expressed support for students who have occupied parliament for two weeks in protest at the deal.
The agreement will allow China and Taiwan to invest more freely in each other's services markets.
The protesters say it will hurt small businesses and job opportunities for local people, and should be scrapped.
They are also demanding that the government pass a law to monitor all future deals with Beijing.
In recent days, the president has made several concessions, including supporting such a law and agreeing to a line-by-line review of the deal in the legislature.
Protesters denounce the controversial China Taiwan trade pact during a mass protest in Taipei, 30 MarchPolice put the number of protesters at more than 100,000, but organisers say there were 700,000
Protesters denounce the controversial China Taiwan trade pact during a mass protest in Taipei, 30 MarchThe protesters say they are defending democracy
But he says the pact should not be cancelled, because it will give Taiwanese companies greater access to the Chinese market.
Business groups and others have voiced support for the deal. The governing Kuomintang party says it is determined to ratify it.
The agreement, which was signed in June 2013, has not yet been approved by MPs.
China formally regards Taiwan as a part of its territory, despite the island governing itself for six decades.
But China is Taiwan's biggest trading partner and in recent years ties between the two have improved.
They have signed several trade and investment agreements - but some fear greater economic integration with China could threaten Taiwan.

2014年3月29日 星期六

peter out, dwindle, nonelite, convey, Morning without YOU is a dwindled dawn

https://docs.google.com/....../0B1pM0QC9Bad....../view......
 太陽花學運廣告以 「Democracy at 4am」(在凌晨4點的民主)為主題,並以美國詩人埃米莉.狄更生詩詞「Morning without YOU is a dwindled dawn」(沒有你的清晨是黯淡的黎明)為副標,提出太陽花學運的民主訴求。(施旖婕/綜合報導)


網友「Jate Cheng」轉貼太陽花學運刊登在《紐約時報》國際亞洲版上的廣告。翻自「Jate Cheng」臉書

太陽花學運廣告以 「Democracy at 4am」(在凌晨4點的民主)為主題,並以美國詩人埃米莉.狄更生詩詞「Morning without YOU is a dwindled dawn」(沒有你的清晨是黯淡的黎明)為副標,提出太陽花學運的民主訴求。(施旖婕/綜合報導)

網友「Jate Cheng」轉貼太陽花學運刊登在《紐約時報》國際亞洲版上的廣告。翻自「Jate Cheng」臉書

THE DWINDLING POWER OF A COLLEGE DEGREE
Until the early 1970s, less than 11 percent of the adult population graduated from college, and most of them could get a decent job. Today nearly a third have college degrees, and a higher percentage of them graduated from nonelite schools. A bachelor's degree on its own no longer conveys intelligence and capability. To get a good job, you have to have some special skill - charm, by the way, counts - that employers value. But there's also a pretty good chance that by some point in the next few years, your boss will find that some new technology or some worker overseas can replace you. The article was in The New York Times Magazine.


Taiwan Chip Firms Shift Strategy
Taiwan's chip makers are fighting dwindling market share by shifting their focus away from DRAM to NAND flash memory.


peter out

Dwindle or diminish and come to an end, as in Their enthusiasm soon petered out. The origin of this usage is unknown, but one authority suggests it may refer to the apostle Peter, whose enthusiastic support of Jesus quickly diminished so that he denied knowing him three times during the night after Jesus's arrest. [Mid-1800s]

+++++

Origin
The earliest known use of peter as a verb meaning dwindle relates to the mining industry in the USA in the mid 19th century, and it is reasonable to accept that that is where it originated. Thoughts of US mining at that date bring to mind images of the California Gold Rush, which is sometimes suggested as the source of this phrase. The earliest uses of the word in that context come from later, for example, this piece from the Wisconsin newspaper the Milwaukee Daily Gazette, December 1845, which pre-dates the California rush (although there was an earlier Georgia Gold Rush in 1829). The story concerns an old prospector who is comparing his dwindling life circumstances with his diminishing finds of the mineral galena (lead sulphide):
"When my mineral petered why they all Petered me. Now it is dig, dig, dig, drill, drill for nothing. My luck is clean gone - tapered down to nothing."
There are several other records of the use of 'petering' to refer to dwindling mining reserves in 1840s USA, although none of these explicitly uses the phrase 'peter out'. For such a reference we have to wait for a figurative usage in the American lawyer and writer Henry Hiram Riley's collection of articles - Puddleford and its People, 1854:
"He hoped this 'spectable meeting warn't going to Peter-out."
While the root source of 'peter out' is fairly certainly mining, there's no clear understanding of why the word 'peter' was chosen in this context. As always, when an etymology is uncertain, people like to guess.
'Peter' has many meanings, both as a noun and a verb, and so the speculations are wide-ranging. They include a suggestion of a link to Saint Peter and to the story that his faith in Jesus faded when he denied him before his crucifixion. Another is an allusion to the French word péter (to break wind - literally to explode, but also used figuratively to mean fizzle), as in the phrase péter dans la main, meaning 'to come to nothing'. Of all of the proposed derivations of the word 'peter' in the idiom 'peter out', the one that best stands up to scrutiny is that is comes from saltpetre (potassium nitrate). This mineral was a constituent of the gunpowder that was used as an explosive in mining and was also used to make fuses. Saltpetre is at least associated with something that miners would have known something about, i.e. mining, as opposed to theology or French quotations.

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Dwindling Adoptions

By CHARLES M. BLOW
Russia's new ban is just one more factor in a steep decline in international adoptions by United States citizens.

dwindle
(dwĭn'dl) pronunciation

v., -dled, -dling, -dles. v.intr.
To become gradually less until little remains.

v.tr.
To cause to dwindle. See synonyms at decrease.

[Frequentative of Middle English dwinen, to waste away, from Old English dwīnan, to shrink.]


dwindle

音節dwin・dle 発音記号/dwíndl/音声を聞く
【動詞】 【自動詞】
用例
2
が〉やせ細る; 〈名声などが〉衰える; 〈品質が〉低下[下落]する 〈awaydown〉.
用例
The novel dwindles away to a weak ending. その小説はだんだんつまらなくなり迫力のない結末終わっている.
もとは衰弱する」の

2014年3月28日 星期五

on the horns of a dilemma, On the antlers of dilemma, internecine, Between a rock and a hard place,





On the antlers of a dilemma

The ambitions of Ma Ying-jeou, Taiwan’s president, collide with popular suspicion of China


THE fresh-faced good looks have been lined and drawn by the cares of office. His immaculate English is forsaken for the dignity of immaculate Mandarin. Patient replies to questions come wearily, as if said many times before. Yet, six years into his presidency, Ma Ying-jeou’s hair remains as lush and jet-black as any Chinese Politburo member’s. And, speaking in the presidential palace in Taipei, he remains as unwilling as any leader in Beijing to admit to any fundamental flaws in strategy.
Perhaps Mr Ma draws inspiration from his portrait of Sun Yat-sen, founder of his ruling party, the Kuomintang (KMT), and, in 1912, of the Republic of China to which Taiwan’s government still owes its name. Sun is revered as a nationalist hero not just by the KMT but, across the Taiwan Strait, by the Chinese Communist Party too. Mr Ma may also hope to be feted on both sides of the strait—in his case as a leader responsible for a historic rapprochement. For now, however, reconciliation between Taiwan and China remains distant. And Mr Ma, once the KMT’s most popular politician, is taunted by opponents as the “9% president”, a reference to his approval ratings in opinion polls last autumn.




Improving relations with China has been the central theme of his administration, after the tensions of eight years of rule by the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), which leans towards declaring formal independence from the mainland. Mr Ma can boast of 21 agreements signed with China. He reels off the numbers of two fast-integrating economies: a tenfold increase in six years in mainland tourists to Taiwan, to 2.85m in 2013; cross-strait flights from none at all to 118 every day; two-way trade, including with Hong Kong, up to $160 billion a year.
China’s strategy to reabsorb Taiwan is plain. As the island’s economy becomes more intertwined with that of the vast mainland, China thinks, resistance to unification will wane. Then Taiwan becomes an “autonomous” part of China—like Hong Kong, though allowed its own army. Taiwan will return to the motherland without resort to the missiles and increasingly powerful armed forces ranged against it. But as Mr Ma sees it, cross-strait “rapprochement” is a first line of defence against Chinese aggression, since “a unilateral move by the mainland to change the status quo by non-peaceful means would come at a dear price”. Politics in Taiwan is framed as a debate about independence or unification but is really about preserving the status quo.
The next step in rapprochement with China would be a meeting between political leaders. In February in Nanjing, once the capital of a KMT government of all China, ministers from China and Taiwan held their first formal meeting since 1949. Mr Ma hoped to meet China’s president, Xi Jinping, in Beijing this November, at the Asia-Pacific Economic Co-operation (APEC) summit. To accommodate Hong Kong and Taiwan, APEC’s members are not “countries” but “economies”. So Mr Xi and Mr Ma could meet as “economic leaders”, sidestepping the tricky protocol that usually dogs relations, with China viewing Taiwan as a mere province. The Chinese demurred. But Mr Ma thinks a meeting somewhere is “not outside the realm of possibility”.
This backdrop explains why a protest movement against a services-trade agreement with the mainland is more than a little local difficulty for Mr Ma. Students occupying parliament have resorted to undemocratic means, and many of the arguments they and the DPP make about the trade agreement are specious. But they have tapped a vein of popular mistrust of Mr Ma and of economic integration with the mainland. A split persists between native Taiwanese, on the island for generations, and mainlanders, like Mr Ma, whose families came over as the KMT lost the civil war in the 1940s. Protesters portray Mr Ma as either a mainland stooge or as clueless and out of touch. In the occupied parliament, student caricatures give him antlers, a reference to a slip he once made when he appeared to suggest that the deer-antlers used in Chinese medicine were in fact hair from the animal’s ears.
Mr Ma says public opinion supports a “Ma-Xi” summit. Joseph Wu of the DPP, however, claims such a meeting would actually damage the KMT in the next presidential election, due in 2016; rather, he says, Mr Ma is trying to leave a personal legacy. The DPP’s lead in the polls alarms not just the Chinese government but also America, which could do without another flare-up in a dangerous region. The stronger China grows, the more Taiwan’s security depends on commitments from America. It switched diplomatic recognition to Beijing in 1979, but Congress then passed a law obliging it to help Taiwan defend itself.
All political lives end…
Mr Ma says relations with America are better than they have ever been at least since 1979 and perhaps before. Others are doubtful. In all the talk of America’s “pivot” to Asia, its promises to Taiwan are rarely mentioned. Many in Taiwan paid attention when John Mearsheimer, an American academic, suggested in the National Interest, a policy journal, that there is “a reasonable chance American policymakers will eventually conclude that it makes good strategic sense to abandon Taiwan and to allow China to coerce it into accepting unification.” For some, abandonment is a fact of life and unification a matter of time. “No one is on our side strategically, diplomatically, politically; we have to count on China’s goodwill,” an academic in Taipei argues.
Mr Ma has tried to steer what seems a sensible middle course between such defeatism and the adventurism of those in the DPP who would like to confront and challenge China. But he sounds weary with the effort, and Taiwan’s people seem weary of him. Their pragmatism and the DPP’s internecine strife may yet see them elect another KMT president in 2016. But if Mr Ma hoped to leave office with cross-strait relations stabilised, and with his own role as an historic peacemaker recognised on both sides and around the world, he seems likely to be disappointed.
- See more at: http://www.economist.com/news/asia/21599812-ambitions-ma-ying-jeou-taiwans-president-collide-popular-suspicion-china#sthash.74E8Fq3f.dpuf




On the antlers of a dilemma

The ambitions of Ma Ying-jeou, Taiwan’s president, collide with popular suspicion of China


THE fresh-faced good looks have been lined and drawn by the cares of office. His immaculate English is forsaken for the dignity of immaculate Mandarin. Patient replies to questions come wearily, as if said many times before. Yet, six years into his presidency, Ma Ying-jeou’s hair remains as lush and jet-black as any Chinese Politburo member’s. And, speaking in the presidential palace in Taipei, he remains as unwilling as any leader in Beijing to admit to any fundamental flaws in strategy.
Perhaps Mr Ma draws inspiration from his portrait of Sun Yat-sen, founder of his ruling party, the Kuomintang (KMT), and, in 1912, of the Republic of China to which Taiwan’s government still owes its name. Sun is revered as a nationalist hero not just by the KMT but, across the Taiwan Strait, by the Chinese Communist Party too. Mr Ma may also hope to be feted on both sides of the strait—in his case as a leader responsible for a historic rapprochement. For now, however, reconciliation between Taiwan and China remains distant. And Mr Ma, once the KMT’s most popular politician, is taunted by opponents as the “9% president”, a reference to his approval ratings in opinion polls last autumn.




Improving relations with China has been the central theme of his administration, after the tensions of eight years of rule by the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), which leans towards declaring formal independence from the mainland. Mr Ma can boast of 21 agreements signed with China. He reels off the numbers of two fast-integrating economies: a tenfold increase in six years in mainland tourists to Taiwan, to 2.85m in 2013; cross-strait flights from none at all to 118 every day; two-way trade, including with Hong Kong, up to $160 billion a year.
China’s strategy to reabsorb Taiwan is plain. As the island’s economy becomes more intertwined with that of the vast mainland, China thinks, resistance to unification will wane. Then Taiwan becomes an “autonomous” part of China—like Hong Kong, though allowed its own army. Taiwan will return to the motherland without resort to the missiles and increasingly powerful armed forces ranged against it. But as Mr Ma sees it, cross-strait “rapprochement” is a first line of defence against Chinese aggression, since “a unilateral move by the mainland to change the status quo by non-peaceful means would come at a dear price”. Politics in Taiwan is framed as a debate about independence or unification but is really about preserving the status quo.
The next step in rapprochement with China would be a meeting between political leaders. In February in Nanjing, once the capital of a KMT government of all China, ministers from China and Taiwan held their first formal meeting since 1949. Mr Ma hoped to meet China’s president, Xi Jinping, in Beijing this November, at the Asia-Pacific Economic Co-operation (APEC) summit. To accommodate Hong Kong and Taiwan, APEC’s members are not “countries” but “economies”. So Mr Xi and Mr Ma could meet as “economic leaders”, sidestepping the tricky protocol that usually dogs relations, with China viewing Taiwan as a mere province. The Chinese demurred. But Mr Ma thinks a meeting somewhere is “not outside the realm of possibility”.
This backdrop explains why a protest movement against a services-trade agreement with the mainland is more than a little local difficulty for Mr Ma. Students occupying parliament have resorted to undemocratic means, and many of the arguments they and the DPP make about the trade agreement are specious. But they have tapped a vein of popular mistrust of Mr Ma and of economic integration with the mainland. A split persists between native Taiwanese, on the island for generations, and mainlanders, like Mr Ma, whose families came over as the KMT lost the civil war in the 1940s. Protesters portray Mr Ma as either a mainland stooge or as clueless and out of touch. In the occupied parliament, student caricatures give him antlers, a reference to a slip he once made when he appeared to suggest that the deer-antlers used in Chinese medicine were in fact hair from the animal’s ears.
Mr Ma says public opinion supports a “Ma-Xi” summit. Joseph Wu of the DPP, however, claims such a meeting would actually damage the KMT in the next presidential election, due in 2016; rather, he says, Mr Ma is trying to leave a personal legacy. The DPP’s lead in the polls alarms not just the Chinese government but also America, which could do without another flare-up in a dangerous region. The stronger China grows, the more Taiwan’s security depends on commitments from America. It switched diplomatic recognition to Beijing in 1979, but Congress then passed a law obliging it to help Taiwan defend itself.
All political lives end…
Mr Ma says relations with America are better than they have ever been at least since 1979 and perhaps before. Others are doubtful. In all the talk of America’s “pivot” to Asia, its promises to Taiwan are rarely mentioned. Many in Taiwan paid attention when John Mearsheimer, an American academic, suggested in the National Interest, a policy journal, that there is “a reasonable chance American policymakers will eventually conclude that it makes good strategic sense to abandon Taiwan and to allow China to coerce it into accepting unification.” For some, abandonment is a fact of life and unification a matter of time. “No one is on our side strategically, diplomatically, politically; we have to count on China’s goodwill,” an academic in Taipei argues.
Mr Ma has tried to steer what seems a sensible middle course between such defeatism and the adventurism of those in the DPP who would like to confront and challenge China. But he sounds weary with the effort, and Taiwan’s people seem weary of him. Their pragmatism and the DPP’s internecine strife may yet see them elect another KMT president in 2016. But if Mr Ma hoped to leave office with cross-strait relations stabilised, and with his own role as an historic peacemaker recognised on both sides and around the world, he seems likely to be disappointed.
- See more at: http://www.economist.com/news/asia/21599812-ambitions-ma-ying-jeou-taiwans-president-collide-popular-suspicion-china#sthash.74E8Fq3f.dpuf





Banyan
On the antlers of a dilemma
The ambitions of Ma Ying-jeou, Taiwan’s president, collide with popular suspicion of China Mar 29th 2014 | From the print edition


THE fresh-faced good looks have been lined and drawn by the cares of office. His immaculate English is forsaken for the dignity of immaculate Mandarin. Patient replies to questions come wearily, as if said many times before. Yet, six years into his presidency, Ma Ying-jeou’s hair remains as lush and jet-black as any Chinese Politburo member’s. And, speaking in the presidential palace in Taipei, he remains as unwilling as any leader in Beijing to admit to any fundamental flaws in strategy.

Perhaps Mr Ma draws inspiration from his portrait of Sun Yat-sen, founder of his ruling party, the Kuomintang (KMT), and, in 1912, of the Republic of China to which Taiwan’s government still owes its name. Sun is revered as a nationalist hero not just by the KMT but, across the Taiwan Strait, by the Chinese Communist Party too. Mr Ma may also hope to be feted on both sides of the strait—in his case as a leader responsible for a historic rapprochement. For now, however, reconciliation between Taiwan and China remains distant. And Mr Ma, once the KMT’s most popular politician, is taunted by opponents as the “9% president”, a reference to his approval ratings in opinion polls last autumn.


Economic integration Improving relations with China has been the central theme of his administration, after the tensions of eight years of rule by the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), which leans towards declaring formal independence from the mainland. Mr Ma can boast of 21 agreements signed with China. He reels off the numbers of two fast-integrating economies: a tenfold increase in six years in mainland tourists to Taiwan, to 2.85m in 2013; cross-strait flights from none at all to 118 every day; two-way trade, including with Hong Kong, up to $160 billion a year.


China’s strategy to reabsorb Taiwan is plain. As the island’s economy becomes more intertwined with that of the vast mainland, China thinks, resistance to unification will wane. Then Taiwan becomes an “autonomous” part of China—like Hong Kong, though allowed its own army. Taiwan will return to the motherland without resort to the missiles and increasingly powerful armed forces ranged against it. But as Mr Ma sees it, cross-strait “rapprochement” is a first line of defence against Chinese aggression, since “a unilateral move by the mainland to change the status quo by non-peaceful means would come at a dear price”. Politics in Taiwan is framed as a debate about independence or unification but is really about preserving the status quo.

The next step in rapprochement with China would be a meeting between political leaders. In February in Nanjing, once the capital of a KMT government of all China, ministers from China and Taiwan held their first formal meeting since 1949. Mr Ma hoped to meet China’s president, Xi Jinping, in Beijing this November, at the Asia-Pacific Economic Co-operation (APEC) summit. To accommodate Hong Kong and Taiwan, APEC’s members are not “countries” but “economies”. So Mr Xi and Mr Ma could meet as “economic leaders”, sidestepping the tricky protocol that usually dogs relations, with China viewing Taiwan as a mere province. The Chinese demurred. But Mr Ma thinks a meeting somewhere is “not outside the realm of possibility”.

This backdrop explains why a protest movement against a services-trade agreement with the mainland is more than a little local difficulty for Mr Ma. Students occupying parliament have resorted to undemocratic means, and many of the arguments they and the DPP make about the trade agreement are specious. But they have tapped a vein of popular mistrust of Mr Ma and of economic integration with the mainland. A split persists between native Taiwanese, on the island for generations, and mainlanders, like Mr Ma, whose families came over as the KMT lost the civil war in the 1940s. Protesters portray Mr Ma as either a mainland stooge or as clueless and out of touch. In the occupied parliament, student caricatures give him antlers, a reference to a slip he once made when he appeared to suggest that the deer-antlers used in Chinese medicine were in fact hair from the animal’s ears.

Mr Ma says public opinion supports a “Ma-Xi” summit. Joseph Wu of the DPP, however, claims such a meeting would actually damage the KMT in the next presidential election, due in 2016; rather, he says, Mr Ma is trying to leave a personal legacy. The DPP’s lead in the polls alarms not just the Chinese government but also America, which could do without another flare-up in a dangerous region. The stronger China grows, the more Taiwan’s security depends on commitments from America. It switched diplomatic recognition to Beijing in 1979, but Congress then passed a law obliging it to help Taiwan defend itself.


All political lives end…

Mr Ma says relations with America are better than they have ever been at least since 1979 and perhaps before. Others are doubtful. In all the talk of America’s “pivot” to Asia, its promises to Taiwan are rarely mentioned. Many in Taiwan paid attention when John Mearsheimer, an American academic, suggested in the National Interest, a policy journal, that there is “a reasonable chance American policymakers will eventually conclude that it makes good strategic sense to abandon Taiwan and to allow China to coerce it into accepting unification.” For some, abandonment is a fact of life and unification a matter of time. “No one is on our side strategically, diplomatically, politically; we have to count on China’s goodwill,” an academic in Taipei argues.

Mr Ma has tried to steer what seems a sensible middle course between such defeatism and the adventurism of those in the DPP who would like to confront and challenge China. But he sounds weary with the effort, and Taiwan’s people seem weary of him. Their pragmatism and the DPP’s internecine strife may yet see them elect another KMT president in 2016. But if Mr Ma hoped to leave office with cross-strait relations stabilised, and with his own role as an historic peacemaker recognised on both sides and around the world, he seems likely to be disappointed.

Economist.com/blogs/banyan

- See more at: http://www.economist.com/news/asia/21599812-ambitions-ma-ying-jeou-taiwans-president-collide-popular-suspicion-china#sthash.74E8Fq3f.dpuf



and the DPP's internecine strife may....

internecine

Line breaks: inter|necine
Pronunciation: /ˌɪntəˈniːsʌɪn
 
/



adjective

  • 1Destructive to both sides in a conflict: the region’s history of savage internecine warfare
  • 1.1Relating to conflict within a group: the party shrank from the trauma of more internecine strife
    More example sentences
    • There is certainly conflict of an internecine nature going on within me at the moment.
    • But those internecine debates within the Social Security faction are, at the moment, every bit as irrelevant as the internecine debates within the phase out faction.
    • But if you believe that the real fight for power today is an internecine one taking place within the Labour Party rather than between political parties, it seems more than feasible.

Origin

mid 17th century (in the sense 'deadly, characterized by great slaughter'): from Latin internecinus, based on inter- 'among' + necare 'to kill'.




Banyan

On the antlers of a dilemma

The ambitions of Ma Ying-jeou, Taiwan’s president, collide with popular suspicion of China


THE fresh-faced good looks have been lined and drawn by the cares of office. His immaculate English is forsaken for the dignity of immaculate Mandarin. Patient replies to questions come wearily, as if said many times before. Yet, six years into his presidency, Ma Ying-jeou’s hair remains as lush and jet-black as any Chinese Politburo member’s. And, speaking in the presidential palace in Taipei, he remains as unwilling as any leader in Beijing to admit to any fundamental flaws in strategy.
Perhaps Mr Ma draws inspiration from his portrait of Sun Yat-sen, founder of his ruling party, the Kuomintang (KMT), and, in 1912, of the Republic of China to which Taiwan’s government still owes its name. Sun is revered as a nationalist hero not just by the KMT but, across the Taiwan Strait, by the Chinese Communist Party too. Mr Ma may also hope to be feted on both sides of the strait—in his case as a leader responsible for a historic rapprochement. For now, however, reconciliation between Taiwan and China remains distant. And Mr Ma, once the KMT’s most popular politician, is taunted by opponents as the “9% president”, a reference to his approval ratings in opinion polls last autumn.




Improving relations with China has been the central theme of his administration, after the tensions of eight years of rule by the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), which leans towards declaring formal independence from the mainland. Mr Ma can boast of 21 agreements signed with China. He reels off the numbers of two fast-integrating economies: a tenfold increase in six years in mainland tourists to Taiwan, to 2.85m in 2013; cross-strait flights from none at all to 118 every day; two-way trade, including with Hong Kong, up to $160 billion a year.
China’s strategy to reabsorb Taiwan is plain. As the island’s economy becomes more intertwined with that of the vast mainland, China thinks, resistance to unification will wane. Then Taiwan becomes an “autonomous” part of China—like Hong Kong, though allowed its own army. Taiwan will return to the motherland without resort to the missiles and increasingly powerful armed forces ranged against it. But as Mr Ma sees it, cross-strait “rapprochement” is a first line of defence against Chinese aggression, since “a unilateral move by the mainland to change the status quo by non-peaceful means would come at a dear price”. Politics in Taiwan is framed as a debate about independence or unification but is really about preserving the status quo.
The next step in rapprochement with China would be a meeting between political leaders. In February in Nanjing, once the capital of a KMT government of all China, ministers from China and Taiwan held their first formal meeting since 1949. Mr Ma hoped to meet China’s president, Xi Jinping, in Beijing this November, at the Asia-Pacific Economic Co-operation (APEC) summit. To accommodate Hong Kong and Taiwan, APEC’s members are not “countries” but “economies”. So Mr Xi and Mr Ma could meet as “economic leaders”, sidestepping the tricky protocol that usually dogs relations, with China viewing Taiwan as a mere province. The Chinese demurred. But Mr Ma thinks a meeting somewhere is “not outside the realm of possibility”.
This backdrop explains why a protest movement against a services-trade agreement with the mainland is more than a little local difficulty for Mr Ma. Students occupying parliament have resorted to undemocratic means, and many of the arguments they and the DPP make about the trade agreement are specious. But they have tapped a vein of popular mistrust of Mr Ma and of economic integration with the mainland. A split persists between native Taiwanese, on the island for generations, and mainlanders, like Mr Ma, whose families came over as the KMT lost the civil war in the 1940s. Protesters portray Mr Ma as either a mainland stooge or as clueless and out of touch. In the occupied parliament, student caricatures give him antlers, a reference to a slip he once made when he appeared to suggest that the deer-antlers used in Chinese medicine were in fact hair from the animal’s ears.
Mr Ma says public opinion supports a “Ma-Xi” summit. Joseph Wu of the DPP, however, claims such a meeting would actually damage the KMT in the next presidential election, due in 2016; rather, he says, Mr Ma is trying to leave a personal legacy. The DPP’s lead in the polls alarms not just the Chinese government but also America, which could do without another flare-up in a dangerous region. The stronger China grows, the more Taiwan’s security depends on commitments from America. It switched diplomatic recognition to Beijing in 1979, but Congress then passed a law obliging it to help Taiwan defend itself.
All political lives end…
Mr Ma says relations with America are better than they have ever been at least since 1979 and perhaps before. Others are doubtful. In all the talk of America’s “pivot” to Asia, its promises to Taiwan are rarely mentioned. Many in Taiwan paid attention when John Mearsheimer, an American academic, suggested in the National Interest, a policy journal, that there is “a reasonable chance American policymakers will eventually conclude that it makes good strategic sense to abandon Taiwan and to allow China to coerce it into accepting unification.” For some, abandonment is a fact of life and unification a matter of time. “No one is on our side strategically, diplomatically, politically; we have to count on China’s goodwill,” an academic in Taipei argues.
Mr Ma has tried to steer what seems a sensible middle course between such defeatism and the adventurism of those in the DPP who would like to confront and challenge China. But he sounds weary with the effort, and Taiwan’s people seem weary of him. Their pragmatism and the DPP’s internecine strife may yet see them elect another KMT president in 2016. But if Mr Ma hoped to leave office with cross-strait relations stabilised, and with his own role as an historic peacemaker recognised on both sides and around the world, he seems likely to be disappointed.
Economist.com/blogs/banyan
- See more at: http://www.economist.com/news/asia/21599812-ambitions-ma-ying-jeou-taiwans-president-collide-popular-suspicion-china#sthash.74E8Fq3f.dpuf

on the horns of a dilemma

Faced with a decision involving equally unfavourable alternatives. More example sentences
  • Meanwhile, at the Erinsborough Clinic, the young hairless harpy, found herself on the horns of a dilemma, so to speak.
  • Scottish solicitors find themselves on the horns of a dilemma in attempting to comply with recent money laundering legislation, according to Joe Platt, president of the Law Society of Scotland.
  • The judge admitted he was on the horns of a dilemma.


Between a Rock and a Hard Place may refer to:

[edit] See also


****

Between a rock and a hard place


Meaning


In difficulty, faced with a choice between two unsatisfactory options.

Origin


This phrase originated in the USA in the early part of the 20th century. It is the American manifestation of a phrase that exists in several forms in other cultures.

The dilemma of being in a position where one is faced with two equally unwelcome options appears to lie deep in the human psyche. Language always reflects people's preoccupations and there are several phrases that express this predicament. The first of these quite literally conveys the uncomfortable nature of the choice between two lemmas (propositions), i.e. 'on the horns of a dilemma'. Other phrases that compare two less than desirable alternatives are 'the lesser of two evils', 'between the devil and the deep blue sea', 'between Scylla and Charybdis', 'an offer you can't refuse' and 'Hobson's choice'.
The earliest known printed citation of 'between a rock and a hard place' is in the American Dialect Society's publication Dialect Notes V, 1921:
"To be between a rock and a hard place, ...to be bankrupt. Common in Arizona in recent panics; sporadic in California."
Between a rock and a hard placeThe 'recent panics' referred to in that citation are undoubtedly the events surrounding the so-called US Bankers' Panic of 1907. This financial crisis was especially damaging to the mining and railroad industries of the western states.
In 1917, the lack of funding precipitated by the earlier banking crisis led to a dispute between copper mining companies and mineworkers in Bisbee, Arizona. The workers, some of whom had organized in labour unions, approached the company management with a list of demands for better pay and conditions. These were refused and subsequently many workers at the Bisbee mines were forcibly deported to New Mexico.
It's tempting to surmise, given that the mineworkers were faced with a choice between harsh and underpaid work at the rock-face on the one hand and unemployment and poverty on the other, that this is the source of the phrase. The phrase began to be used frequently in US newspapers in the late 1930s, often with the alternative wording 'between a rock and a hard spot'.
A more recent example of the use of the expression, and one for which it seems gruesomely apt, is recounted in the 2010 film 127 Hours, which is based on Aron Ralston's book Between a Rock and a Hard Place. The memoir recounts the 127 hours that Ralston spent alone and trapped by a boulder in Robbers Roost, Utah, after a climbing accident in April 2003, eventually opting for the 'hard place' of freeing himself by cutting off part of his right arm.






經濟學人諷馬「困境中的鹿茸」 網友嘲:國際認證 【09:55】

新聞圖片
英國《經濟學人》報導兩岸服貿事件,以「困境中的鹿茸」調侃馬政府。(圖擷取自《經濟學人》官方網站)
〔本報訊〕太陽花學運延燒國際,英國《經濟學人》日前專訪總統馬英九,期盼釐清兩岸服務貿易協議的爭議;《經濟學人》最新一期的報導中,則以「困境中的鹿茸」為題,描繪馬英九現況,被台灣網友戲稱鹿茸已獲「國際認證」!

 《經濟學人》於最新一期的「榕園論壇」(Banyan)報導台灣的服貿議題、太陽花學運,並以「困境中的鹿茸」(On the antlers of dilemma)為大標題,諷刺馬英九的處境。

 文章評論服貿議題,先是調侃馬英九「當了6年總統,頭髮仍像中國領導人一樣,疏得相當油亮」;隨後更指出,馬政府更如同北京高層,不願正面承認策略性錯誤。另外,像是「9%總統」、「鹿茸」的失言風波等,也都被撰寫進去。

 台灣網友見狀,幽默大嘲「鹿茸已獲國際認證」!更有人諷刺,鹿茸的英文是「antlers」,不知「馬卡茸」英文怎麼念?

2014年3月27日 星期四

wraith, IN MEMORIAM, quench, quenchless,

 As I listened, with darkness and melody, shadow and sound filling all the room, I could not help remembering that the great composer who poured forth such a flood of sweetness into the world was deaf like myself. I marveled at the power of his quenchless spirit by which out of his pain he wrought such joy for others – and there I sat, feeling with my hand the magnificent symphony which broke like a sea upon the silent shores of his soul and mine.” The Auricle, Vol. II, No. 6, March 1924. American Foundation for the Blind, Helen Keller



Vallabh Sambamurthy, Editorial Notes-In Memoriam Gerry DeSanctis, Information Systems Research, Vol. 16, No. 3, Sep 2005, pp. 235-236


Much has changed since then, when Walter Scott — now a literary wraith ( ━━ n. (人の死の直前に現れる)生霊, 死霊; 幽霊; やせこけた人.)— was the dictionary’s second most-quoted English writer after Shakespeare.


So many worlds, so much to do,
So little done, such things to be,
How know I what had need of thee,
For thou wert strong as thou wert true?
The fame is quench'd that I foresaw,
The head hath miss'd an earthly wreath:
I curse not nature, no, nor death;
For nothing is that errs from law.
We pass; the path that each man trod
Is dim, or will be dim, with weeds:
What fame is left for human deeds
In endless age? It rests with God.
O hollow wraith of dying fame,
Fade wholly, while the soul exults,
And self-infolds the large results
Of force that would have forged a name.


(IN MEMORIAM A. H. H by Alfred lord Tennyson)




quench

Syllabification: quench
Pronunciation: /kwenCH
 
/

verb

[with object]
  • 1Satisfy (one’s thirst) by drinking.
  • 1.1Satisfy (a desire): he only pursued her to quench an aching need
    More example sentences
    • The ladies were spotted at El Tiempo, where Sharon quenched her Tex-Mex cravings, and at Trellis Spa at the Houstonian, where they indulged in massages.
    • Human taste requires variety and something should be done to quench this yearning for variety in the desert they are wandering in.
    • Later, a trip alongside the Black Sea helped quench Sorokin's inexhaustible desire to travel.
    Synonyms

noun

Back to top  

Derivatives

quenchable

adjective

quencher

noun
(chiefly Physics & Metallurgy )

quenchless

adjective
( • literary )

Origin

Old English -cwencan (in acwencan 'put out, extinguish'), of Germanic origin.

2014年3月25日 星期二

bereaved, all that,


Bereaved families criticize Beijing's 'incentive money'
BY ATSUSHI OKUDERA CORRESPONDENT



'Sourland: Stories'

By JOYCE CAROL OATES
Reviewed by JULIE MYERSON
In Joyce Carol Oates's new collection, she explores the idea that the bereaved wife is a kind of guilty party, who deserves everything - most of it violent - that comes her way.
America's president tries to restart the peace process(155)



all that,

1. Too, very, usually employed in a negative context meaning not too, not very. For example, The new house is not all that different from your old one. [Mid-1900s] Also see none too.
2. That and everything else of the kind. For example, She enjoys wearing nice clothes and perfume and all that. [c. 1700] Also see and all.

bereaved
adj.
Suffering the loss of a loved one: the bereaved family.

n.
One or those bereaved: The bereaved has entered the church. The bereaved were comforted by their friends.


[形]((形式))
1 (家族・近親・親しい人に)死なれた, 先立たれた
He was bereaved of his son by the accident.
彼は息子をその事故で失った.
2 ((the 〜))((名詞的))((単数・複数扱い))家族[近親]を亡くした人(々), 遺族. ▼遺族全員を指す場合は複数呼応.

furnish, one-of-a-kind, syllogism

Loyalty Programs for One-of-a-Kind Hotels
Independent hotels have joined to form reward programs that challenge those of the major chains.

Syria’s Oil Is a Commodity for Competing Groups
BEIRUT — Syria’s government has lost control of many oil fields recently, and for some rebel units, captured oil could pay for weapons, while Kurds could use it to furnish autonomy.


A Search for Bargains Goes Social
By STUART ELLIOTT
Jomar, a Philadelphia-based chain, uses a new campaign to cultivate younger customers for its mostly one-of-a-kind items.


I do not say that to you tonight. I say to you that the issues before the American people in this campaign, the kind of leadership that America must furnish this Nation and the world, and the decisions with regard to these issues and this leadership are so important that we should look beyond the party label and see what the man stands for.






one of a kind

Unique.More example sentences
  • The child is no longer a unique creation - one of a kind - but rather an engineered reproduction.
  • This score remains a singular achievement - a unique, one of a kind opera.
  • Rollins may be one of a kind - an unusual mix of the analytical, cerebral, creative, and spiritual.
Whispering Pines Bed and Breakfast in Dellroy, Ohio, where rooms are outfitted in antique furnishings, recently started offering a Guys Getaway package that includes $10 coupons for a nearby clay pigeon shooting range, boat rentals and dinner at a local restaurant. And the six-room Forty Putney Road in Brattleboro, Vt., has its own pub on the premises.

prem·ise (prĕm'ĭs) pronunciation

n. also prem·iss (prĕm'ĭs)
  1. A proposition upon which an argument is based or from which a conclusion is drawn.
  2. Logic.
    1. One of the propositions in a deductive argument.
    2. Either the major or the minor proposition of a syllogism, from which the conclusion is drawn.
  3. premises Law. The preliminary or explanatory statements or facts of a document, as in a deed.
  4. premises
    1. Land and the buildings on it.
    2. A building or part of a building.

v., -ised, -is·ing, -is·es. v.tr.
  1. To state in advance as an introduction or explanation.
  2. To state or assume as a proposition in an argument.
v.intr.
To make a premise.

[Middle English premisse, from Old French, from Medieval Latin praemissa (propositiō), (the proposition) put before, premise, from Latin, feminine past participle of praemittere, to set in front : prae-, pre- + mittere, to send.]
WORD HISTORY Why do we call a single building the premises? To answer this question, we must go back to the Middle Ages. But first, let it be noted that premises comes from the past participle praemissa, which is both a feminine singular and a neuter plural form of the Latin verb praemittere, "to send in advance, utter by way of preface, place in front, prefix." In Medieval Latin the feminine form praemissa was used as a term in logic, for which we still use the term premise descended from the Medieval Latin word (first recorded in a work composed before 1380). Medieval Latin praemissa in the plural meant "things mentioned before" and was used in legal documents, almost always in the plural, a use that was followed in Old French and Middle English, both of which borrowed the word from Latin. A more specific legal sense in Middle English, "that property, collectively, which is specified in the beginning of a legal document and which is conveyed, as by grant," was also always in the plural in Middle English and later Modern English. And so it remained when this sense was extended to mean "a house or building with its grounds or appurtenances," a usage first recorded before 1730.


furnish
(fûr'nĭsh) pronunciation
tr.v., -nished, -nish·ing, -nish·es.
  1. To equip with what is needed, especially to provide furniture for.
  2. To supply; give: "The story of Orpheus has furnished Pope with an illustration" (Thomas Bulfinch).
[Middle English furnisshen, from Old French fournir, fourniss-, of Germanic origin.]
furnisher fur'nish·er n.
SYNONYMS furnish, equip, outfit, appoint, accouter. These verbs mean to provide with what is necessary for an activity or a purpose: furnished the team with new uniforms; equip a car with snow tires; had to outfit the children for summer camp; a library that was appointed in leather; knights who were accoutered for battle.

furnish


  音節
fur • nish
発音
fə'ːrniʃ
レベル
社会人必須
furnishの変化形
furnished (過去形) • furnished (過去分詞) • furnishing (現在分詞) • furnishes (三人称単数現在)
[動](他)
1 [furnish A (with B)/furnish B (to A)]〈A(人・団体)に(B(必要物)を)〉与える;〈Bを(Aに)〉供給する
furnish sufficient evidence
十分な証拠を提供する
furnish an expedition
遠征隊に必要な装備を整える
furnish everyone with a pencil [=furnish a pencil to everyone
各人に鉛筆をあてがう.
(1)A, Bを主語にした受身可. (2)((米))では [furnish A B]も可:furnish the boys blankets(少年たちに毛布を配る). その受動態はBlankets are furnished to the boys. のほかThe boys are furnished blankets. ともいう.
2 〈家・部屋などに〉(家具などを)備えつける, 設備する((with, in ...)). ⇒PROVIDE[類語]
furnish the room luxuriously
部屋に豪華な調度を備える
furnish a house with new furniture
家に新しい家具を備える
The room was furnished in red plush.
部屋は赤いビロード張り家具が備えてあった.
━━(自)(←(他))家具[調度品]を備えつける, 造作をする.
[古フランス語furnir(供給する)]

syllogism[syl・lo・gism]

  • 発音記号[sílədʒìzm]
[名]
1 《論理学》三段論法;[U]演繹(えんえき)的推理[推論].
2 きわめて手のこんだ議論[考え方].

曾將所謂三段論syllogism 翻譯成推論



syllogism


Definition of syllogism

noun

  • an instance of a form of reasoning in which a conclusion is drawn from two given or assumed propositions (premises); a common or middle term is present in the two premises but not in the conclusion, which may be invalid (e.g. all dogs are animals; all animals have four legs; therefore all dogs have four legs).
  • [mass noun] deductive reasoning as distinct from induction.

 2. 連珠
 注音一式 ㄌ|ㄢˊ ㄓㄨ
 漢語拼音 li n zh   注音二式 li n j 
連珠體的別名。見「連珠體」條。
一種修辭方法。是以每一句結尾的語詞,作為下一句的開頭,使兩句之間環環相扣,如珠鍊串在一起般,故稱為「連珠」。
比喻密集而連續不斷。薛仁貴征遼事略:「百姓連珠兒納喊,太宗喝采不迭。」文明小史˙第五十六回:「甲營埋伏盡起,槍聲如連珠一般。」


 1. 推論
 注音一式 ㄊㄨㄟ ㄌㄨㄣˋ
 漢語拼音 tu  l n  注音二式 tu i lu n
 相似詞 引申  相反詞 
推求討論。孔子家語˙卷二˙致思:「陳說其間,推論利害。」三國志˙卷十三˙魏書˙王朗傳˙裴松之˙注引魏略:「帝每與夏推論書傳,未嘗不終日也。」